Due to my comments and opinions against the communist regime and also due to the fact that my brother was a priest, I was not allowed to attend the courses of the Military Academy and of the Faculty of History. With respect to the Faculty of History, the strict "personnel policy" of that period had an influence on my admission paper, which was low graded with the help of teacher Zoe Petre, main counsellor of the president of Romania Emil Constantinescu between 1997 and 20001. I was a member of the Romanian Communist Party. I was not an agent or informant of the Securitate2. My opinions and comments against the communist regime were well known by the military commanders and officers of the Securitate, who were working in the same units as me. In the summer of the 1986, for example, the commander of the unit – 2nd Mechanized Regiment from Bucharest/ Military unit 01305 (major Gheorghe Carp) – publicly accused me of "inimical attitude towards the leaders of the Party" and threatened me by saying: "we, and also other agencies that must know, are aware of this". Of those present, I remember major Balaci, captain Ghimpu and captain Uţă, both Carp's deputies3; the Securitate Officer was Captain Marian David (after 1990, I met him a couple of times, by chance, three-four years ago, and I remained under the impression that he still works for the secret services). Also in 1986, I was officially accused, in the annual professional evaluation4 of not fulfilling my “patriotic” duties – which were outside my official duties and against my wishes, the “political-ideological learning process for warrant officers”5. Due to my attitude towards the communist regime and because I refused to collaborate with the Securitate, in 1987, under the guise of decreasing military expenses at national level, I was relocated from the Bucharest garrison, to an inferior position, in a military unit in the Mihai Bravu commune (40 km away from Bucharest). During the first two years of being an officer, I was detached (from my unit), for periods of three months, as a "popular assessor" at the Bucharest Military Law Court (these detachments were made because of some orders, and were similar to the ones of "agricultural labours" or "national economy").
After 1989, and especially during 1990, I campaigned against – alongside other young officers, most of them belonging to the Committee of Action for the Democratization of the Army (CADA) – the lack of politics, for modernizing the army and for clarifying the involvement of some military leaders, during the revolution, in December 1989, in military acts against the demonstrators. For this reason, together with a few other officers, and under pressure from the political leadership, president Ion Iliescu and prime minister Petre Roman, on the 17th of November 1990 I was put in reserve by the Minister of Defence, Victor Athanasie Stanculescu; subsequently, the minister said in public, contrary to the truth, that I was put in reserve "on demand" 6. In the spring of 2007, general Stanculescu and another high ranking military officer, general Mihai Chitac, were found guilty, by the Court, of involvement in repressing the revolution from Timisoara, and were sentenced to 15 years in prison and military degradation. Due to the that fact in the anticipation of the meeting of the Civic Alliance on the 15th of November 1990, the battalion of infantry I was part of was to organize a formation that should intervene "in-need", I asked the commander of the unit (22 Tanks Regiment/ Military unit 01046 Bucharest) – through a written report – not to put me in command of such a sub-unit, as he intended. When, during the following years I spoke publicly about this issue, the minister of Defence Victor Babiuc, although he knew what had happened, accused me in the press that I lied7. During 2008, after repeated requests, the archives department of the Ministry of Defence told me that, although listed in the archives, my report from November 1990 (CR 205/5 November 1990) had disappeared8. After several other actions on my part, in September, October and November 2014, the Archives of the Ministry of Defence and Military Prosecutor's Office informed me that the secret letter no. S 4067 from 29 November 1990, consisting of a criminal complaint filed by the leadership of my Division, 57 Tank Division – UM 01035, Bucharest, cannot be found9. It is very probable that this fact had a major influence in my dismissal from the army. My removal from the army was a deeply abusive and illegal act. The authorities denial to annul my dismissal is also profoundly abusive and illegal – more so because in an identical case, by right and in fact, a former colleague from CADA was reinstated in 200510. In October 1993, a few years following my dismissal, there were many changes in the Army, changes I had fought for after December 1989, so I requested of the minister, General Niculae Spiroiu, to consider the possibility of calling me back to active duty, together with my colleagues. The request was denied. More information about my activity as an officer of the Army (including the period in which I was put in reserve) can be found on the page Documente/ Alte documente, "Bune practici publice şi contrariul lor: Agerpres şi MApN" .
After leaving the army, I joined the people who founded and started to organize the Civic Alliance (CA). From the end of 1990, I held responsibilities in the central, organizational and decision making structures of the CA, where I successively fulfilled several responsibilities: secretary, vice-president, executive-president and president of the organization. Along with to my colleagues from CA and from the Democratic Convention I contributed to, between 1991-1996, to the victory of President Emil Constantinescu and CDR (Romanian Democratic Convention)11bis. In May 2000, at the 6th Congress (which was going to be the last), I retired from the Civic Alliance. I decided to do so, after it became obvious to me that, the most powerful leaders of the Civic Alliance had abandoned any kind of criticism of government acts and policies and more generally, the activities of the political class (especially their political allies). For almost six years after its establishment, CA was the most representative and trustworthy organization of the "civil society" due to the forthright attitude of its leaders. The attempts I made for the Civic Alliance to continue accomplishing its mission and statute were met with more and more hostility11. This new attitude of my colleagues is explained by their own interests, some of them, depended on the decisions and good will of politicians (some, for example, for their own foundation/NGO or newspaper). More on my activity within AC and CDR can be found on the page Documente/Alte documente, "Cauza Stan impotriva fostului presedinte al Romaniei Emil Constantinescu".
Between 1993 and 2004, I worked with the "Association for the Defence of Human Rights in Romania – the Helsinki Committee" (APADOR-CH) – I have been project director and the organization`s vice-president. During the period April and October 2004, I worked as Projects director for the Foundation "Institute for Public Policy" (IPP). Since January 2005, I have been a member of the Board of the Foundation Centre for Legal Resources (CRJ); between March 2008 and May 2013 I was Chairman of the Board. I am author/ co-author of several studies, reports and analyses, most of them carried out within the programs of the non-governmental organizations I worked with, centred on human rights, transparency and public administration integrity. Most of this work is posted on the page Documente/ Alte documente of this site. Work effectuated at APADOR-CH (reports, especially) are available, in print format, in the library Association.
Between the 22nd of December 1996 and 27th of August 1997, I was state secretary, chief of Government’s Control Body (GCB), within the government of Victor Ciorbea. The investigations I coordinated in this position uncovered several irregularities of some high officials affiliated to the governmental coalition (the questionable selling of part of the navy`s property, dossier "Petroklav"/Traian Basescu and others), the occupancy or the illegal appropriation of several residences from the state`s special locative fund etc.) This fact finally leaded to my dismissal from the position – a decision which was publicly regretted12. The decision was seen as a setback in fighting corruption13. A few weeks after the dismissal, the prime minister, the leadership of PNŢCD (National Christian Democratic Peasants' Party), but especially some of the most important leaders of the Civic Alliance requested me assiduously and repeatedly to return to the governmental team – I refused because no one could count on their solidarity in the future. The endeavours I made for the restitution of properties confiscated by the communist and post-communist regime were received with hostility, the press revealing a case in which a magistrate, who was under GCB scrutiny, was plotting "a lethal accident" against me14.
During 2006-2009, upon the request of the management body of the Institute for the Investigation of the Communism’s Crimes in Romania (IICCR), I collaborated with this Institute in drafting of some projects and for the writing of some specific criminal notes (the most relevant materials can be found on the Documente/ Alte documente page)14bis.
In order to defend my constitutional and legal rights violated by authorities and public institutions, but also in order to evaluate (test) the compliance with the right to a fair trial and access to justice in Romania, during 2002-2015, I initiated and sustained several civil trials and actions before the administrative court. I made this more substantially and more systematically after Romania joined the European Union, in the period 2009-2015, during which I sustained 25 trials of this kind15.
Plenty of my ideas and public attitudes have been looked upon with hostility by a great deal of the post 1989 "elites" – and here I am not referring solely to the political elite, but also to the "civic" elite and even some of my former colleagues. Over time, I have had sufficient confirmation that my presence in public life, especially in the political life and in important public positions, has been overall undesirable, a fact that has generated corresponding attitudes.
In the summer of 2003, for example, several months after a famous Romanian exile publication16 suggested the idea of my running for the presidency next year (a suggestion also made by PNTCD), university professor Dan Pavel accused me, in a slanderous manner, in a volume that claimed to handle "CDR history" that, among other things, I had caused the suicide of the person "who was cleansing" the Civic Alliance. A few months earlier, former President Constantinescu attacked me in a similar manner, in a volume of "memoires" – for example, that I had the mission to destroy the Civic Alliance from the inside. Following the trials, Dan Pvel was convicted of slander and Emil Constantinescu reedited the volume, by removing the slanderous passage. I initiated the two trials because the defamations which concerned me were contained in two books, and not just newspaper articles – in which case I would have turned solely to the right of rebuttal17. Although he was well aware that I had managed to prove (with a lot of luck) my innocence regarding at least some of the allegations brought against me, (especially regarding the suicide of the person from the AC), Gabriel Andreescu, my colleague at the time (from APADOR-CH) – in a surprising manner, considering his attitude in all the years until that point – soon joined the serious rumours spread by Dan Pavel, by writing an article in June 2003 (in the Observator Cultural magazine)17bis. Before long, I had to deal with a new and unexpected attack from my colleague (in 2004, Timpul magazine), this time I was accused of "starting the fight with Traian Băsescu" while I was head of the Government’s Control Body, in 199717bis1. In the summer of 2014, it turned out that in 2003 Gabriel Andreescu remarried Daniela Ghiţescu, a former Securitate agent at the Netherlands Embassy in Bucharest18.
Also, in order to harass, intimidate and prevent me from filling important public positions, right after I was put in reserve, minister Stănculescu and commander of the 57th Tank Division/ Military unit 01035 Bucharest, Colonel Mircea Mureşan, filed a criminal action against me, at the Military Prosecution Department, for alleged disclosure of military secrets to the press (I had criticized the fact that the political and military staff in command after December 1989 had signed two military agreements, unknown to the public, with the Soviet Union, respectively that the army had been illegally entrusted missions to repress the manifestations of the people). Despite pressure from the two military leaders, the case was settled, as prosecutor Major Mircea Aron decided not to start the criminal investigation19. Shortly after, there was another trial, initiated by generals Plăviciosu and Trăistaru, which lasted about five years, for an alleged libel in the press20. This case was also ended with my acquittal. But before the final decision, a non-final judgment was sent, illegally, to the Criminal Records Authority on July 29th, 1996. Thus, without my knowledge (I only found out in the spring of 2011) I had a criminal record21. My criminal record was manufactured two weeks after the newspaper Romania Liberă suggested (on the 11th of July) that after the autumn elections I should be appointed Minister of Defence, and two days before I was appointed director of the presidential election campaign for Emil Constantinescu – I was appointed on July 31st, but because of these false criminal record inclusions I would retire from this position on September 18th22.
For alleged defamation in the press, between 1998 and 2002, three people filed actions against me: Stere Gulea, the president of Public Television, Victor Babiuc, the Defence Minister and Traian Basescu, the Mayor of Bucharest. I won all three cases23.
As a result of the many unjust measures and attitudes I had to bear from public authorities and their representatives, in March 2001 I initiated a number of steps in order to give up my Romanian citizenship and / or obtain the protection of my rights by another state24.
The Documente section, including the Argument on the first page, as well as some articles I have published, especially after 1998, (posted on the Publicistică page), contain relevant biographical information25.
Since 1989, I have collaborated on several publications, both inside and outside the country – România Liberă, Alianţa Civică, Bursa, Lumea Liberă (published in New York, from November 2000 to February 2003), New York Magazine (also published in New York, February 2003-November 2012), Cotidianul (November 1998-October 2004; from June 2010 until November 2012, the articles published in the New York Magazine were also published in cotidianul.ro). The articles focused primarily on military and political issues, human rights and fundamental freedoms, transparency and integrity of public administration, property rights, Romania's Euro-Atlantic integration, "the decommunization and the trial of communism in Romania"25bis etc. At România Liberă, I worked between 1990 and 1998 (since 1999, some colleagues from the Civic Alliance and one of the most important leaders, had an ill attitude towards my criticism against the government of President Constantinescu and CDR in the newspaper our colleague Petre Mihai Bacanu). Since 2005 (and until 2010), along with the takeover of Cotidianul by the Academia Caţavencu team (a publication owned by businessman Sorin Ovidiu Vantu), I was cut out from the last Romanian publication. Chief editor at Cotidianul was Robert Turcescu – who soon received a scholarship to study in the United Stated, and in September 2014 denounced himself in the media as "intelligence agent" (see also "Ubi patria, ibi bene?", Publicistică 2005).
Still after 1989, I attended specialization courses and I made documentation visits outside the country, on the following topics: human rights (Netherlands Helsinki Committee and Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs), access at public information (Swedish Ombudsman), access at the archives of the communist political police (Joachim Gauck - German Federal Commissioner for the study of Stasi records), right to property (USA Private Property Committee).
On November the 9th, 2010, His Majesty King Michael I of Romania bestowed on me the Royal Decoration "King Michael I Medal for Loyalty"26. Other assessments on my work and my public attitudes can be seen on page Documente/Alte documente, "Activitatea publică consemnată în presa scrisă" (Public activity recorded in print); this latter material has, on the one hand, some biographical relevance and, on the other hand, can help correlate the information from different sections of the web-site.